Transcripts

Manipulation Of The Media And Politicians Is Nearly Universal

todayMarch 10, 2014 6

Background

World Wide Media Manipulation

Spirit_of_76_COMPLEAT_FEATUREMandeville, LA – Exclusive Transcript – “Mark Malvasi has put his finger on this.  I don’t know if Malvasi realizes it, but he has written something that I believe is as honest an appraisal of our current pickle as anything I have read recently.  And yes, that includes the essays on rethinking the American Union.  Malvasi has put two and two together and has gone through the history of how we got to be where we are today and what has been set in motion.”  Check out today’s transcript for the rest…

Begin Mike Church Show Transcript

Mike:  How can every possible situation in the civilized world such as this be life or death?  Life or death will occur today.  You will leave the office where you are at, you will leave the truck stop where you are at, you will leave your home, you will venture out into the world, and yes, you will actually face madmen and madwomen behind the wheels of automobiles and trucks, and behind the steering mechanism of planes and trains, and yes, you will face death.  You may go out into a place of public gathering to board public transportation.

You may touch the wrong piece of metal, and in touching the wrong piece of metal or the wrong Coke machine or the wrong bench, you may pick up an invisible, microscopic virus that could lead to your death, could lead to great and immense bodily harm.  But the bodily harm is not going to come from what’s on the television, is not going to come from what’s on the radio, is not going to come from what’s on the blogs or the internet.  It is instead going to actually come from living.

[private FP-Monthly|FP-Yearly|FP-Yearly-WLK|FP-Yearly-So76]

But while we’re living, we’re so busy being regaled with all the fake threats that are allegedly around us, which, again, are all set in motion to do what?  To see to it that we continue to play the game, and that we continue to play the game so that they can play their game.  It’s sick.

As a matter of fact, I’m going to go off the beaten path here.  I had this yesterday and I should have done it yesterday and I didn’t.  I mentioned it.  Mark Malvasi, writing at The Imaginative Conservative — this is what you people pay me for, to stitch all this stuff together.  Mark Malvasi has put his finger on this.  I don’t know if Malvasi realizes it, but he has written something that I believe is as honest an appraisal of our current pickle as anything I have read recently.  And yes, that includes the essays on rethinking the American Union.  Malvasi has put two and two together and has gone through the history of how we got to be where we are today and what has been set in motion.  For those of you that enjoyed candidate for United States Senate and dear friend Dwayne Stovall’s appearance on the program yesterday — by the way, I have audio of it.  Eric posted audio of it on SoundCloud yesterday.  Did you tweet that out?  I know you sent me the link, but I was in the doctor’s office when you sent me the link.  By the time I got back to post the damn thing, I had completely ruined my afternoon and didn’t get around to it.

Eric:  No, we do not have a Twitter to tweet it out with.  Yes, we will give that to you every day now and you can tweet out the SoundCloud files every day.

Mike:  I had the link.  I’ll get to it in the first break here.  If you want to hear it, you can hear it.  I also had the whole thing transcribed because I thought it was that brilliant.  If you thought that that was good, then you’re going to love this.  Malvasi has taken — I don’t know which comes first Malvasi or Stovall, but they’re both on the same page.  They both exploded the cutaway reality view of the current situation that the middle- to lower-class citizens of these United States find themselves in.  Here’s what Malvasi writes.  I’m picking this up about seven-eighths of the way through the essay.  Please read the entire essay.

[reading]

Liberals appreciated this reality much more fully than did conservatives. As a consequence, they turned to the courts to extend the programs that they had failed to enact through legislation. They engaged in what amounted to a judicial fiat that, although obscured in constitutional language, was itself a kind of violence reproducing the ugly confrontations in the streets which had so disfigured national politics. Desperate to revive their political fortunes, liberals did not work to achieve social and economic justice or to extend civil and political rights to the poor and the downtrodden in an effort to create a more integrated and cohesive social order. They sought instead to convince these unfortunate men and women to portray themselves as clients of the state, victims of society in need of remediation from the courts. To show minorities that they really did have access to the American Dream of economic prosperity and upward social mobility, liberals enforced policies that eliminated any hint of intolerance. They imagined a permanent revolution in the United States that orbited around social mobility and ethnic and racial pluralism. Persistent social divisions and economic inequalities became acceptable because, like working-class status in the nineteenth century, they were dismissed as impermanent. The courts would translate the rhetoric of tolerance into the reality of inclusion and advancement. Yet, even when such efforts proved successful, modest upward social mobility always rested on uninterrupted economic growth. Under all other circumstances, workers, the poor, and now even members of the fragile middle class are left to scramble for the crumbs that fall from the rich man’s table.

In the final pages of The Southern Tradition: The Achievement and Limitations of an American Conservatism (1994), the late Eugene D. Genovese pondered the grim possibilities likely to result from such a consolidation of wealth. “According to the free marketeer’s best-case scenario,” Genovese declared, “a well-organized international economy should be able to deliver affluence to enough Americans to allow us to write off the rest–with or without an occasional crackdown on the lower-class losers in the competitive struggle… Social and moral questions are beside the point. We may very well be on the threshold of that brave new world of affluent depravity for many people and unspeakable misery for many others.” (pp. 97-98)

We have now passed beyond that threshold. Before the recession of 2008, it was possible to dismiss the vast imbalance of wealth, if for no other reason than the expansion of sub-prime credit veiled such inequities for those whose earnings had long remained stagnant. The financial crisis and the long, slow, agonizing recovery have exposed such illusions, inspiring reasonable fears that the plutocratic elite, governed by narrowly self-serving motives, wields exaggerated political influence and remains indifferent to the welfare of anyone outside its exclusive and rarefied domain. Such a world, Genovese concluded, may be “comfortable for some or even many and brutal beyond description for the rest.” (p. 99)

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If the United States has entered upon the “brave new world” that Genovese contemplated, then the real story of recent American political history is not the so-called Reagan Revolution that sounded the death knell of the New Deal, but the comparative irrelevance of both the Democratic and Republican parties. The fatal combination of manufactured popularity and the intrusion of money are robbing both parties of the influence and independence that they once exercised.

The greatest argument ever made against the American Union's Congress, sweeping power to tax. Edited by Mike Church
The greatest argument ever made against the American Union’s Congress, sweeping power to tax. Edited by Mike Church

The American people may need to prepare themselves for another shock to the body politic. If a new elite really has usurped control and made government the instrument of the rich, then all of the dreadful squabbling to which we have been witness these last years is little more than a sideshow designed to keep citizens bedeviled and perplexed, not knowing where to turn for relief, and vulnerable to every political gigolo who whispers to them the sweet nothings they long to hear.

[end reading]

Mike:  That comes under the style of “The New Deal and the Future of American Politics” from Mark Malvasi at TheImaginativeConservative.org.  Find it in yesterday’s Pile of Prep.  Translation, just like Stovall was talking about yesterday, you can’t get into their game unless you have lots of money to sit down and play at their table.

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Then, if you sit down and play at their table, you almost have to play their game, which is to do what?  It is to keep you mobile, it is to keep you engaged, it is to keep you active, and it is to keep you doing exactly as you’re doing, all the while thinking that you’re making a difference, or that what you’re about to do can make a difference, when in fact the future is very well planned out for you, for me, and for all the rest of us.  We think we’re working at something that can alter the course.  We want to believe that we’re associated with people that have that as their desire and that we are being led by people that, if they act upon that desire, may actually be able to pull it off.  It’s all a mirage.  It’s not going to happen.

End Mike Church Show Transcript

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